Belonging to the “Khad” (Intelligence Agency ) department, embarking on a journey to Pakistan ostensibly for further education, obtaining membership in the CIA intelligence organization in Peshawar, engaging in espionage missions and returning to Panjshir, aligning with Ahmad Shah Massoud, providing intelligence agencies with detailed reports on Ahmad Shah Massoud’s security, military, and political strategies, participating in the conspiracy to assassinate Ahmad Shah Massoud, betraying Commander Rabbani and the Tajik political structure during the Bonn Conference, relinquishing the presidency to Mr. Karzai based on the theory of perpetual Pashtun rule, entering Afghanistan politics as a player to contain and diminish the political stature of Tajiks, remaining silent in the face of the assassins of Professor Rabbani, General Daud, Mutaleb Bik, and numerous respected figures associated with the Islamic Society, who were killed by Messrs. Karzai and Ahmadzai, disregarding Quranic commitments after declaring the presidential oath, neglecting Quranic vows, and betraying similar to Nader Shah the traitor, ridiculing the peace process, surrendering power to the Taliban, and living under the shadow of the Taliban government, legitimizing them – all these actions, coupled with the gross betrayal of Tajiks, constituted the national and intelligence missions that Dr. Abdullah Abdullah committed during his tenure.
Dr. Abdullah Abdullah Zemiriani, born in 1959, as the son of Ghulam Mohiuddin Zemiriani, a resident of Kandahar, was born to an Afghan or Pashtun father and a Tajik mother. Mr. Ghulam Mohiuddin Zamiriani, who had served extensively in Kandahar province, was appointed as the senatorial representative of Kandahar province in the waning days of the monarchy under Mohammad Zahir Shah. Mr. Abdullah Abdullah was two years old when his father’s assignment shifted from Kabul to Kandahar. Therefore, he commenced his education in Kandahar and spent his formative years there. Subsequently, due to the relocation of his father’s responsibilities from Kandahar to Kabul, he moved and enrolled in Kabul University.
Abdullah Abdullah ostensibly entered Pakistan after securing an educational scholarship endorsed by the president of the communist government, and with the help of his brother. During this period, both held official positions in the administration of Khad, the intelligence agency. Owing to his intelligence background, the CIA recruited him in Pakistan. In 1985, he ventured into Panjshir and joined Ahmad Shah Massoud as a mujahid, serving as his assistant in the section responsible for diplomatic relations and affairs for an extended period. Subsequently, he assumed various roles, including spokesperson for the Ministry of Defense, ministerial aide in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan for over a decade. During his tenure, he expelled a significant number of experienced Tajik diplomats and officials from the ministry. Post-2001, he played a role as a political-instrumental actor, aligning with the Pashtun nationalist agenda and betraying the aspirations of the Tajik people. His actions included facilitating the disarmament of Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras, collaborating with Pashtun nationalists like Khalilzad, and undermining influential jihadist figures in Western political circles with unfounded accusations of warlordism and human rights violations. In the 2009 presidential elections, he abstained from the second round, strengthening Pashtun political dominance by supporting Karzai. Additionally, he failed to defend the legitimate votes of the people in the 2014 elections, legitimized Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai as the president, did not support centralized system change, repeated the scenario in 2019, legitimized embezzlement of national assets through contracts, and established a corrupt group, including Abdulqahar Abed as the head of the office and Mustafa Mastoor, his brother-in-law, as a member of the National Procurement Authority and Minister of Economy, among other betrayals.
Quoting Shakespeare, “Some men are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them.” Applying this criterion to politicians and political figures in our country, most were neither inherently great nor possessed political knowledge to lead effectively. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, who aspired to become an eye doctor, with assistance from global intelligence agencies, became a companion to the national hero, Ahmad Shah Massoud. His entry caused no concern while Massoud was alive; his efforts were focused on gaining the trust of the commander. However, after Massoud’s martyrdom and Afghanistan’s changing political landscape, Abdullah opportunistically entered politics, becoming the captain of a sinking ship without emotional attachment. Over the past two decades, his game, though detrimental to Afghanistan, nullified opportunities for a specific ethnic group, the Tajiks. He extensively used Ahmad Shah Massoud’s card for legitimacy, portraying himself as the successor to the national hero. Unbeknownst to many, Abdullah was merely a political player and a mysterious actor, maintaining a neutral position, rituals, and titles. He aspired for nothing beyond that. Scholars state that “the worst individuals in politics are those focused on maintaining their position and status.” Representing Persian speakers, he participated in three elections, securing millions of votes but did not adhere to that commitment. Abdullah was not a statesman; he was a political opportunist, meticulously planned by intelligence. For this reason, he lacked political knowledge or a governance plan; he was merely “interested in political positions.” Despite winning decisively in three presidential elections, he reduced it to a ceremonial and incompetent position.
Examining Abdullah’s comprehension and knowledge of the political concept, his response to a journalist’s question on politics reveals his lack of understanding. He stated, “Politics is not something that, God forbid, the people of Afghanistan, the honorable people, the international community, and domestic institutions in recent years, as the great ones, especially the renowned martyrs of jihad and resistance and the unknown martyrs, are and will be, we have always remembered and prayed for the security forces, and in all programs, we have dedicated prayers to the martyrs, and we ask the Almighty God to accept our prayers, undoubtedly the prayers of the people.” In scrutinizing these assertions, one contemplates whether this individual authentically embodied a cultural and civilizational domain. Was he genuinely the envoy of Tajiks and Persian speakers? This is the same individual grappling with the articulation of even two sentences on political matters, revealing a fundamental deficiency in understanding the nation’s political and historical intricacies. When a political and cultural sphere delegated the fate of its political trajectory to this unprepared figure, tasked with confronting intelligence heavyweights (Karzai, Ghani, Khalilzad, etc.) and safeguarding their rights, it became evident that this individual would not effectively steer the political vessel of this cultural and civilizational realm towards its intended destination. Yet, as an actor and mesmerizer, he ensnared Persian-speaking communities with a historical mirage.
Scrutinizing his political standpoint unveils a profound tragedy. How can a man who has been a key player in Afghanistan political affairs for three decades fail to grasp a coherent sentence about politics? Let’s delve into this individual’s perspectives on regional, global, cultural, historical, economic, scientific, and societal matters. If he cannot formulate a single sentence in his own domain (politics), where he has been active for years, how can he possess awareness of the history and culture of this country, particularly the cultural domain he presided over and left in disarray before the eyes of the people and its authorities?
Regrettably, it must be lamented that Abdullah’s endeavor remains incomplete. By the directives of intelligence organizations, following the regime’s collapse, he not only refrained from fleeing alongside other politicians but lingered in Kabul, becoming a witness to the escalating oppression of the people he had benefited from for years. Abdullah resides in a country where the ruling regime persecutes and tortures an ordinary soldier who was part of the previous system. Nonetheless, Abdullah, the enchanting actor who played a role for two decades and shared the country’s misfortune, lives comfortably, visits people, travels abroad, and is welcomed at Kabul airport by the Taliban. He persisted in his mission by opposing the formation of the second resistance front and conspiring to dismantle popular resistance nuclei against the Taliban, aligning with Karzai and other Pashtun nationalists.
It is alleged that political puppeteers globally and Afghan nationalists or Pashtun intelligentsia have advised him to remain in Kabul and test his fortunes in the next opportunity. For this reason, he has fixed his gaze on an all-encompassing government to re-enter the stage as the representative of Tajiks and drive the final nail of betrayal into the coffin of this ethnic group. If the Tajik nation fails to reclaim its historical memory, neglects to confront historical realities, and remains oblivious to its own historical arsonists who misrepresented their identity for years, they are undeniably “doomed to repeat history.”
